‘Annales Herbipolenses’, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores, ed. G. H. Pertz et al., vol. 16 (Hanover, 1859), p. 3.

E. Haverkamp, Medieval Germany, 1056–1273 (Oxford, 1988); E. Hallam, Capetian France, 987–1328, 2nd edn (Harlow, 2001); W. L. Warren, Henry II (London, 1973); J. Gillingham, The Angevin Empire, 2nd edn (London, 2001).

Historia de expeditione Friderici Imperatoris’, pp. 6–10. The text of Audita Tremendi is also translated in: Riley-Smith, The Crusades: Idea and Reality, pp. 63–7.

Gerald of Wales, Journey through Wales, trans. L. Thorpe (London, 1978), p. 204. On the preaching of the Third Crusade see: C. J. Tyerman, England and the Crusades (Chicago, 1988), pp. 59–75; Tyerman, God’s War, pp. 376–99. According to Muslim testimony, Latin preachers in Europe also made use of tableau paintings depicting Muslim atrocities–including the desecration of the Holy Sepulchre–to incense audiences and spur recruitment. Baha al-Din, p. 125; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 363. This notion is not corroborated in western sources.

Routledge, ‘Songs’, p. 99. Other poets expanded on these ideas. In particular, those not taking the cross were accused of cowardice and a reluctance to fight. In some circles it became common to humiliate non-crusaders by giving them ‘wool and distaff’, the tools for spinning, to suggest that they were fit only for women’s work–a distant precursor to the white feather.

Itinerarium Peregrinorum, p. 33; Routledge, ‘Songs’, p. 108.

Itinerarium Peregrinorum, pp. 143–4.

Gillingham, Richard I, pp. 1–23. In 1786 the English historian David Hume derided Richard for neglecting England, but the tide of criticism really began with William Stubbs, who in 1867 described the Lionheart as ‘a bad son, a bad husband, a selfish ruler and a vicious man’ and ‘a man of blood…too familiar with slaughter’. In France, René Grousset’s work of 1936 endorsed this view, characterising Richard as a ‘brutal and impolitic knight’, while A. L. Poole’s 1955 history of medieval England observed that ‘he used England as a bank on which to draw and overdraw in order to finance his ambitious exploits elsewhere’. By 1974 the American academic James Brundage declared that Richard had been a ‘peerlessly efficient killing machine…[but] in the council chamber he was a total loss’, confidently concluding that he was ‘certainly one of the worst rulers that England has ever had’. During the Victorian era, at least, this damning appraisal was at odds with the popular romanticisation of Richard’s reign, promoted in works of fiction by the likes of Walter Scott. In the mid-nineteenth century a monumental bronze statue of the Lionheart astride his horse was erected outside the Houses of Parliament in London–a tribute to the ‘great English hero’ paid for by public subscription. Other recent academic studies of Richard I include: J. L. Nelson (ed.), Richard Coeur de Lion in History and Myth (London, 1992); J. Gillingham, ‘Richard I and the Science of War’, War and Government: Essays in Honour of J.O. Prestwich, ed. J. Gillingham and J. C. Holt (Woodbridge, 1984), pp. 78–9; R. A. Turner and R. Heiser, The Reign of Richard the Lionheart: Ruler of the Angevin Empire (London, 2000); J. Flori, Richard the Lionheart: Knight and King (London, 2007). In addition to the evidence presented in Ambroise and the Itinerarium Peregrinorum, the main primary sources for Richard I’s career and crusade include: Roger of Howden, Gesta Regis Henrici II et Ricardi I, 2 vols, ed. W. Stubbs, Rolls Series 49 (London, 1867); Roger of Howden, Chronica, vols 3 and 4, ed. W. Stubbs, Rolls Series 51 (London, 1870). On Howden see: J. Gillingham, ‘Roger of Howden on Crusade’, Medieval Historical Writing in the Christian and Islamic Worlds, ed. D. O. Morgan (London, 1982). Richard of Devizes, The Chronicle of Richard of Devizes of the Time of Richard the First, ed. and trans. J. T. Appleby (London, 1963); William of Newburgh, Historia Rerum Anglicarum, Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I, vol. 1, ed. R. Howlett, Rolls Series 82 (London, 1884); Ralph of Coggeshall, Chronicon Anglicanum, ed. J. Stevenson, Rolls Series 66 (London, 1875); Ralph of Diceto, Ymagines Historiarum, The Historical Works of Master Ralph of Diceto, vol. 2, ed. W. Stubbs, Rolls Series 68 (London, 1876).

Itinerarium Peregrinorum, p. 143.

Roger of Howden, Gesta, vol. 2, pp. 29–30. On Philip Augustus see: J. Richard, ‘Philippe Auguste, la croisade et le royaume’, La France de Philippe Auguste: Le temps des mutations, ed. R.-H. Bautier (Paris, 1982), pp. 411–24; J. W. Baldwin, The Government of Philip Augustus: Foundations of French Royal Power in the Middle Ages (Berkeley and London, 1986); J. Bradbury, Philip Augustus, King of France 1180–1223 (London, 1998); J. Flori, Philippe Auguste, roi de France (Paris, 2002).

On Frederick Barbarossa and his crusade see: P. Munz, Frederick Barbarossa: A Study in Medieval Politics (London, 1969); F. Opll, Friedrich Barbarossa (Darmstadt, 1990); E. Eickhoff, Friedrich Barbarossa im Orient: Kreuzzug und Tod Friedrichs I (Tübingen, 1977); R. Chazan, ‘Emperor Frederick I, the Third Crusade and the Jews’, Viator, vol. 8 (1977), pp. 83–93; Lilie, Byzantium and the Crusader States, pp. 230–42; H. E. Mayer, ‘Der Brief Kaiser Friedrichs I an Saladin von Jahre 1188’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters, vol. 14 (1958), pp. 488–94; C. M. Brand, ‘The Byzantines and Saladin, 1185–92: Opponents of the Third Crusade’, Speculum, vol. 37 (1962), pp. 167–81. It was once thought that Frederick contacted Saladin himself at this point, but the two Latin letters purporting to be copies of their correspondence are now regarded as forgeries. However, it is likely that Barbarrosa had established some form of diplomatic contact with Saladin in the 1170s.

Gerald of Wales, ‘Liber de Principis Instructione’, Giraldi Cambriensis Opera, vol. 8, ed. G. F. Warner, Roll Series 21 (London, 1867), p. 296.

The tithe had an additional impact on recruitment because all those joining the crusade were exempt; as a result, Roger of Howden observed that ‘all the rich men of [the Angevin realm], both clergy and laity, rushed in crowds to take the cross’. Roger of Howden, Gesta, vol. 2, pp. 32, 90.

Roger of Howden, Gesta, vol. 2, pp. 110–11. On the question of naval transport see: J. H. Pryor, Geography, Technology and War: Studies in the Maritime History of the Mediterranean 649–1571 (Cambridge, 1987); J. H. Pryor, ‘Transportation of horses by sea during the era of the crusades: eighth century to 1285 A.D., Part I: To c. 1225’, The Mariner’s Mirror, vol. 68 (1982), pp. 9–27, 103–25.

Roger of Howden, Gesta, vol. 2, pp. 151–5; Gillingham, Richard I, pp. 123–39.

Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 277, 280–81.

Ibn Jubayr, p. 319; D. Jacoby, ‘Conrad, Marquis of Montferrat, and the kingdom of Jerusalem (1187–92)’, Dai feudi monferrini e dal Piemonte ai nuovi mondi oltre gli Oceani (Alessandria, 1993), pp. 187–238.

Roger of Howden, Gesta, vol. 2, pp. 40–41; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 337.

Imad al-Din, p. 108. For a discussion of Baha al-Din’s career see Donald Richards’ introduction to his own translation of Baha al-Din’s History of Saladin (Baha al-Din, pp. 1–9). See also: Richards, ‘A consideration of two sources for the life of Saladin’, pp. 46–65.

Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 296, 307.

Ambroise, pp. 44–5, indicating that Guy was accompanied by 400 knights and 7,000 infantry. Itinerarium Peregrinorum, p. 61, noting around 700 knights and a total force of 9,000.