“And you think that’s a good idea, I suppose,” Admiral King interjected. He and Kolhammer had a famously antagonistic relationship. Butting into the middle of a conversation between Kolhammer and the president was well within his character.
Roosevelt was glad when the other man didn’t bite.
“I have no opinion either way,” Kolhammer responded. “This is a political decision. That’s why we’re calling it in.”
Roosevelt could hardly suppress the grin that wanted to break out and run wild on his face. Phillip Kolhammer was just about the most political commander he knew. Even Douglas MacArthur was shaded into a distant second place by the man’s Machiavellian machinations. He was just damn lucky that Eleanor had taken such a shine to him.
The president had to wonder what the man was playing at.
“Is the Havoc in contact with the Japanese fleet?” he asked. “I understand she was supposed to be shadowing them. Is that correct?”
“Yes, sir,” Spruance answered. “Captain Willet is stalking the Combined Fleet and reports that she has independent target locks on their carriers and largest gunships, the Musashi and Yamato.”
“Then why are they still floating?” Admiral King asked, nearly shouting to make his voice heard from across the room.
Inevitably, Kolhammer fielded that question. “Captain Willet exercised her best judgment, Admiral. And in her judgment it was an open question as to whether or not our goals were served by destroying the major impediment to a Communist takeover of Japan.”
“Our goals are to defeat the Japanese and the Nazis,” King barked back. “Look it up in your history books, Admiral. I’m sure it’s in there somewhere.”
“That’s enough,” Roosevelt said. He threw an almost pleading look at George Marshall. “General. What’s your feeling about this matter? I must confess, my initial reaction is to say damn it all and send them to the bottom.”
Marshall was sitting with what looked like painful formality in a Chesterfield armchair, and he didn’t waste time mulling the question. “As I understand it, the Soviets’ ability to project power in that theater has been dramatically constrained by their losses off Hokkaido. Even if the Havoc were to cripple the Japanese now, it wouldn’t necessarily mean that Stalin was free to walk into the place and take over. Look at our own projections for an invasion of the Home Islands. Without using atomic weapons, you’re talking about millions of men and hundreds of thousands of casualties.”
“But the Russians have atomic weapons, General,” Roosevelt said.
“I don’t believe they have many,” Marshall replied. “If they did, we would have seen them by now. It’s even possible, if you agree with Admiral Kolhammer, to imagine them bombing us if they thought they could get away with it. How many bombs would that take? How many cities would we be willing to lose, just to hold out against Communist demands? How many would your people trade for their freedom, Mr. Ambassador?
“I doubt Stalin has the capacity to launch more than another three or four atomic strikes at the moment. Assuming he wants to concentrate his efforts on Europe, that means a largely conventional campaign to take Japan. And as I said, all of his sea-lift and naval air capability was destroyed by Yamamoto. So I guess I come down on the side of Admiral King. Sink them.”
Roosevelt surveyed the room. Hap Arnold nodded. King did so vigorously.
“Mr. Ambassador?”
“I’m afraid the PM would want to make this call himself-”
“For chrissakes, we can’t ring London every time a sub captain wants to put a torpedo into a Jap,” protested King, who had almost no time for his British allies.
Lord Halifax, a sickly man with a withered left arm that ended in a stump, smiled wanly. “I do not propose to ask any such thing of you, Admiral. I was merely pointing out that Prime Minister Churchill would doubtless prefer that you heard his opinion, rather than mine, or even my best guess at what his thinking might be. It is an operational matter, in the end.”
“Excuse me.”
It was Kolhammer’s voice again, sounding strained, which was to be expected since the argument was running against him.
“It is an operational matter,” he agreed, “but it will have broad political consequences. Historical consequences. I cannot emphasize this strongly enough. You cannot allow the Soviets to gain control of Japan. They have overrun China already, apart from areas where the Nationalists are holding out. They have pushed deep into Afghanistan, within artillery range of India’s Northwest Frontier, last time that I checked. They have advance forces in northern Indochina and Korea. They are going to enslave four-fifths of the world by the time they are finished.
“This war is not about the last four years, not anymore. It is about the next hundred. Possibly the next five hundred. I’m sorry that I appear to be the only one with this opinion, but I am going to put it out there, and put it strongly. And I want it recorded that I disagree in the strongest terms with any decision to reject Yamamoto’s offer without even investigating the terms. Mr. President, this is Yalta on a global scale.”
Roosevelt prickled at the reference to Yalta. When the first “future histories” had been published, he’d taken real damage over something he hadn’t even done. At what point in his life in this world had he consigned Eastern Europe to Communist dictatorship? Kolhammer could be insufferable at times like this.
“Admiral Spruance,” he said brusquely. “You will order Captain Willet to sink those ships.”
Kolhammer tried to speak again. “Mr. President-”
“I have made up my mind, Admiral. Now, if there is nothing else.”
To Roosevelt’s surprise, there was.
Spruance spoke. “About the same time Captain Willet intercepted the Yamamoto datacast, she also received one from Major Ivanov, the Russian officer who arrived with Admiral Kolhammer and who is, uh, operating within the Soviet Union of his accord.”
Roosevelt could feel high color in his cheeks, and he was certain his blood pressure surged. He’d already had it out with Kolhammer over this one, and it was galling in the extreme to find himself in a position where he was forced to concede the utility of having Ivanov in the USSR.
“Go on, Admiral Spruance,” he said, trying to keep the aggravation out of his tone.
“Well, Admiral Kolhammer is better informed than I, Mr. President, as he’s had time for a full briefing from his Intelligence Division-”
That’d be right, Roosevelt thought.
“-but as he explained it to me, Major Ivanov has confirmed the existence of a Multinational Force ship, the Vanguard, within the USSR, and the existence of a large nuclear facility in eastern Siberia, in which the Soviets constructed the weapon used over Lodz. He has provided the location, some surveillance images, and a good deal of technical data obtained from a number of Russian scientists who worked at the facility.”
“And where are those scientists now?” Roosevelt asked.
“They’re dead, sir,” answered Kolhammer bluntly. “Major Ivanov terminated them.”
A great weariness threatened to steal over the president. What was the French word for existential despair? He felt it more and more often whenever he contemplated a world remade in the image of people like Kolhammer. There were some days when he couldn’t wait to be free of it all.
Aloud, he said, “Well, my decision stands. Captain Willet is to close with the enemy and destroy them.”